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The ambush sparked political debate over the presence of US forces in Africa and brought attention to previously under-reported US military activities in the region.[22] The ambush also prompted congressional inquiries, and an investigation by the US Department of Defense (DoD).[23] The DoD inquiry, completed in 2018, found that the 11-member US special forces team was not prepared for the mission, and identified other flaws in planning.[20]
In January 2013, a senior Nigerien official told Reuters that Bisa Williams, the then-United States Ambassador to Niger, requested permission to establish a drone base in a meeting with Nigerien President Mahamadou Issoufou.[24] On 5 February, officials from both Niger and the United States said that the two countries signed a status of forces agreement that allowed the deployment of unarmed surveillance drones.[24][25] In that month, US President Barack Obama sent 150 military personnel to Niger to set up a surveillance drone operation that would aid France in its counterterrorism efforts in the Northern Mali conflict.[24][26] In October 2015, Niger and the US signed a military agreement committing the two countries "to work together in the fight against terrorism".[27] US Army Special Forces personnel (commonly referred to as Green Berets) have deployed on numerous occasions to train personnel of the Niger Armed Forces (FAN) to assist in the fight against terrorists from neighboring countries.[26] In October 2017, there were about 800 US military personnel in Niger, most of whom were working to build a second drone base for US and French aircraft in Agadez.[17][26][28] The expectations were that construction of the base would be completed in 2018, which would allow the US to conduct surveillance operations with the General Atomics MQ-9 Reaper to monitor ISIL insurgents flowing south and other extremists flowing north from the Sahel region.[17]
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In 2015, the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara was established by Adnan Abu Walid al-Sahrawi, who was a spokesperson and senior leader of the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO), a splinter group of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.[4][29][30] In August 2013, MUJAO merged with al-Mourabitoun, which swore allegiance to al-Qaeda emir Ayman al-Zawahiri.[29][31] In May 2015, Sahrawi spoke on the behalf of al-Mourabitoun and had pledged his allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and its leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.[4][32] However, the declaration was not recognized by the group's leader, Mokhtar Belmokhtar, and the al-Qaeda loyalists, creating a split in the group.[29] According to the United States Department of Defense, ISIL leaders in Syria had acknowledged Sahrawi's allegiance through their Amaq News Agency but ISGS "has not been formally recognized as an official branch of ISIL".[4] The ISGS's first confirmed terror attack occurred on 2 September 2016 when fighters targeted a customs post in Markoye, Burkina Faso, an attack that left a border agent and a civilian dead.[29][4] The ISGS had since been targeting pro-government militias that support the French and United Nations forces in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger.[4]
On 2 October 2017, a US special forces (SOF) team from 3rd Special Forces Group based in Quallam received intelligence that placed a high value ISGS sub-commander in their area of responsibility. Following this intelligence, the team submitted a mission plan for the vicinity of Tiloa the next day. The plan the team submitted did not accurately describe the mission's intention, describing it as civil/military reconnaissance instead of the actual purpose which was to locate and capture or if necessary kill the ISGS sub-commander. The mission plan was assessed and approved by the AOB Niger and SOCCE commanders and on 3 October at 5:59 am (local time), the team of 11 personnel consisting of eight US Special Forces operators, two support, and an intelligence contractor accompanying 35 Nigerien personnel from the Security and Intelligence Battalion (Bataillon Sécurité et de Renseignement or BSR) and the 433rd Special Interdiction unit, departed toward the vicinity of Tiloa in an eight vehicle convoy. The Americans traveled in two technicals and an unarmored Toyota Land Cruiser[34] while the Nigeriens traveled in five vehicles, one of which had been provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had specialized surveillance equipment on board.[34][8][35][36][37]
The eight vehicle convoy left the village at 11:35 a.m. on their planned route back to base. Approximately 100 meters (110 yd) outside of the village, armed ISGS militants believed to be led by Doundou Chefou, a lieutenant in the terrorist group given the code name "Naylor Road" by US forces,[42] began their assault against the rear of the convoy. The militants, who had arrived with a dozen technicals and about 20 motorcycles and were equipped with small arms, vehicle mounted heavy machine guns, rocket propelled grenades, and mortars had allowed the convoy to move through the kill zone before attacking, trapping the rear of the convoy.[43][44][45][46]
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The first call for additional support was relayed by the US forces nearly an hour after they first came under fire. Within minutes, an unarmed US drone captured video of the firefight.[51][52] French Mirage jets were ordered to respond to the ambush, and they arrived roughly thirty minutes after notification.[52][50][53][13] Even though there was now air support, the French pilots could not engage because they could not readily identify enemy forces in the firefight.[54] Nevertheless, the presence of the fighter jets brought the engagement to an end.[53] Two French Super Puma helicopters were brought in from Mali to evacuate the injured Nigeriens and Americans, while Berry Aviation, an independent contractor, evacuated the bodies of the fallen US soldiers.[55] Within three to four hours after the soldiers called in for support, a French special operations team arrived at the scene.[12]
In November 2018, the US military sent letters of reprimand to four officers and two soldiers, most notably to Air Force Major General Marcus Hicks, who was in charge of special operations forces in Africa, and Captain Michael Perozeni.[1]
On 4 October 2019, the United States offered a $5 million bounty on Adnan Abu Walid al-Sahrawi under the Rewards for Justice program.[139][140] He was killed by French forces in a mid-2021 raid and a 45 minute video of the 2017 incident was recovered.[141]
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The Air Naval Gunfire Liaison Company is another group that often finds itself in the shadow of sexier special operations units like the SEALs. A single ANGLICO Marine can coordinate a hellish rain of fiery artillery and air-strafing fire on the enemy though, whereas all a SEAL can do is pull a trigger.
They are also the only group of special operators outside of SEAL Team 6 (ST6) where direct close contact with the enemy is a guarantee upon acceptance, regardless of whether America is officially at war or not.
Congressional oversight of JSOC has also changed as the intensity and political importance of its lethal operations increased in Yemen and Somalia in the early days of the Obama administration. In 2012, Congress passed a defense bill that mandated confidential quarterly briefings from the Pentagon outlining counterterrorism operations and activities involving special operations forces. In 2017, Congress upped the frequency of these briefings to monthly (though in reality Pentagon officials were already briefing members of Congress and their staff regularly between the required quarterly briefings).